Wednesday, June 22, 2011

Imperialism: Protecting Libyan Civilians?

Yep, we're in Libya to protect innocent civilians. Definitely. As much is proven by the fact that the government forces were approaching the rebel stronghold of Benghazi at the time the decision to bomb the country was made, and that only as a direct result of that decision by the imperialists is the war still going today. Were it not for decision of the imperialists, led by the U.S., to bomb Libya and subsidize the rebels, the whole affair would almost certainly have been over by April. One can only imagine how many lives have thus far been "saved" by three months of additional, unnecessary war.

Anyhow, that simple, basic logic aside, the New York Times has recently discovered that NATO bombers recently ('accidentally', of course) killed somewhere between 5 and 9 Libyan civilians who resided nowhere near any military facilities. The Libyan government has a somewhat different story to offer. Here it is, as re-reported (and possibly skewed) by the BBC. I'm not necessarily endorsing a particular claim here. I'm just saying the imperialist intervention has certainly resulted in a lot more deaths, including yes a lot more civilian deaths, than would have been seen without such an intervention. Without further adieu though, here is the Libyan government's contrasting claim, which merits further investigation:


Libya says Nato air raids killed 700 civilians

The Libyan government says Nato air raids have killed more than 700 civilians since bombing began in March.

Spokesman Moussa Ibrahim said more than 4,000 people had been wounded, but gave no evidence to confirm his figures.

Nato has denied killing large numbers of civilians, saying its air strikes are to protect Libyans from Colonel Gaddafi's forces.

Four powerful explosions were felt in the centre of Tripoli on Tuesday night, Libyan state media reported.

Planes were heard flying over the capital, but it was not possible to determine the targets of the raids.

'No exit strategy'

Speaking at a news conference in Tripoli, Mr Ibrahim accused Nato of killing and injuring hundreds of Libyan citizens.

"Since March 19, and up to May 26, there have been 718 martyrs among civilians and 4,067 wounded - 433 of them seriously," Mr Ibrahim said.

He said the figures did not include military casualties.

Foreign reporters in Tripoli have not been shown evidence of mass civilian casualties.

Asked why not, Mr Ibrahim said casualties had not been concentrated near the capital but scattered across the country.

He also denied that South African President Jacob Zuma, who met Col Gaddafi in Tripoli on Monday, had discussed an "exit strategy" with the Libyan leader.

"If Gaddafi goes, the security valve will disappear. His departure would be the worst case scenario for Libya," he told reporters.

Moussa Ibrahim denied that Col Gaddafi had discussed a strategy for his departure

A statement released by Mr Zuma's office after he returned to Pretoria said Mr Gaddafi would not leave Libya, despite growing international pressure.

"Col Gaddafi called for an end to the bombings to enable a Libyan dialogue," the statement read.

"He emphasised that he was not prepared to leave his country, despite the difficulties."

After initially backing Nato's involvement, Mr Zuma and the African Union have called for a halt to air strikes, arguing that Nato has overstepped its UN mandate to protect civilians.

Both Libyan rebels and Nato have refused to accept a ceasefire until Col Gaddafi agrees to step down.

On Tuesday, Italy's Foreign Minister Franco Frattini said that Gaddafi's regime was "finished", during a visit to the rebel capital Benghazi, in eastern Libya.

"He [Gaddafi] must leave office, he must leave the country," Mr Frattini told a joint news conference with Ali al-Essawi, the rebels' foreign affairs chief.

"His aides have left, he has no international support, the G8 leaders reject him, he must go."


Thursday, June 16, 2011

Commitment-Phobia in the First World

What follows will probably be a largely disorganized mess. I have a lot of thoughts and a lot of links that I want to present, to I'm just going to organize them by "theme" below and then sum up what I think the commonality is at the end.

Marriages and Relationships:


39% of Americans think marriage is becoming obsolete. (Compared with 28% in 1978.) To quote some stats:

"Census data reflect a declining percentage of married adults: 54% in 2010, down from 57% in 2000 and 72% in 1960.

At the same time, the median age at first marriage increased in 2010 to its highest ever — 28.2 for men and 26.1 for women, according to Census. That's up from 26.8 and 25.1 in 2000. Among those ages 25-34, the percentage of those who are married fell below unmarrieds for the first time in more than a century."

Anyhow, continuing...

A bourgeois opinion on WHY Americans think marriage is obsolete. According to this article, some experts believe that, even now, least 75% of existing marriages in the U.S. are unhappy ones.

European opposite-sex couples are increasingly going for civil unions rather than marriages. This is the "in-between" marriage on the one hand and non-romance on the other.

Casual sex is increasing in the United States.

The main source of divorce: the semi-happy marriage. Quote: "While most of the women Haag interviewed said they felt lonely in their semi-happy marriages, men told her that they felt "trapped" or "penned in." It didn't seem to matter if they married "too young" or waited until they were older; what mattered was what people expected from their marriages. And for many, the traditional blueprint that their parents followed is simply no longer a good fit." The basic problem, the article contends, is boredom in marriage. The new generation is seeking more adventure, more excitement, so argues the author of Marriage Confidential: The Post-Romantic Age of Workhorse Wives, Royal Children, Undersexed Spouses, and Rebel Couples Who Are Rewriting the Rules. We will return to this note later, so bear it in mind.


Religion:

Experts predict that organized religion will eventually go extinct in at least nine First and Second World countries. Take note of this, quote: "[The unaffiliated are] not necessarily atheists or non-believers, experts say, just people who do not associate themselves with a particular religion or house of worship at the time of the survey."

The article also (in a bizarrely skeptical fashion) describes the views of others who have long predicted the development of this trend in First World attitudes toward religion thus:

And Abrams, Wiener and Yaple are not the first to predict the end of religion.

Peter Berger, a former president of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, once said that, "People will become so bored with what religious groups have to offer that they will look elsewhere."

He said Protestantism "has reached the strange state of self-liquidation," that Catholicism was in severe crisis, and anticipated that "religions are likely to survive in small enclaves and pockets" in the United States.


THE COMMON THEME: BOREDOM PRODUCES COMMITMENT-PHOBIA

So why are the populations of exploiter countries so bored that they need a constant supply of new adventures? Could it be because they have so little real work to do? And could that be because they are living off the backs of others? Hmmm.....! Yes, such (being lazy exploiters) is the basis of d0-nothingism in revolutionary circles as well, I strongly suspect. It is a parasite mentality.

...Yeah, this was probably my worst article yet. Oh well, I hope I made some interesting points anyway.

Sunday, June 12, 2011

Prachanda's Own Party Accuses Him of Selling Out Completely

There are many people out there, including those who claim to be communists and "Maoists" today, who are fakes. Leading Lights have called out these fakes for years. Among those fakes is the leadership of the so-called Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) that is led by Prachanda (informally Pushpa Dahal) which, after a decade of fighting an authentic people's war and liberating some 70 to 80% of that country, in late 2006 reached a peace agreement with the reactionary parties wherein they agreed to shut down the popular governments of the liberated areas and dismantle the People's Liberation Army in exchange for the opportunity to gain representation in a new capitalist republic. Leading Lights were the first to call out this sell out as such. We have been leading the way in highlighting what real communism is and what it is not. Accordingly, I have decided to re-print a relevant article from My Republica that came out recently. Therein, Senior UCPN(M) Vice Chairman Kiran (informally Mohan Baidya) sharply criticizes the revisionist line of the party chairman. I will bold certain sections to highlight the sharpness of the criticism and also the fundamental deviations from basic Marxist principles that the UCPN(M) party leadership is indeed undertaking. The reader should note that re-printing this article does not imply absolute agreement with all its contents or with Kiran's political line. Kiran has certain shortcomings as well. In particular, Kiran's view of the principal enemy, which he names squarely as India, is limited and does not truly account for global class analysis. But they are not nearly so problematic as those of party leader Prachanda. This is, in other words, food for thought:



18 'deviations' of Chairman Dahal

POST B BASNET

KATHMANDU, June 11: In a clear manifestation of the widening intra-party rifts, the hard-line faction of the UCPN (Maoist) has accused Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal of serious ideological and moral “deviations” and launched a campaign against him inside the party.

The hard-line faction, led by Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya, has recently circulated a document among the party rank and file, which outlines 18 “deviations” of Dahal. The document, a copy of which has been obtained by Republica, is being circulated among the cadres of the party´s hard-line faction down to district level committees and also the party´s chapters in various countries.


“On the political front, [Dahal] is seen moving toward rightist reformism and national capitulationism from his centrist oppertunitism,” states the second point of the document.

The relations between Baidya and Dahal have soured after the latter defected to the line of peace and constitution last June, deferring the official line of revolt and state capture.

The document, entitled “Problems of deviations in chairman comrade”, has charged Dahal with financial irregularities and misuse of resources.

“On the issue of financial discipline, [Dahal] is seen tilted toward corruption. [Dahal] is seen having the tendency of doing anything -- both moral and immoral -- for the sake of power, money and prestige.[Dahal] has deliberately left the party without an accounting system and misused financial means and resources in an individualistic way,” states point no 18 of the document. [i.e. Prachanda is enriching himself at the expense of the masses, demonstrating capitalist mentality. -- Monkey Queen]

On the front of party organization, the party hard-line faction has accused Dahal of “self-centric individualistic tendency”, intolerance toward those holding dissent and using his power to silence their voices.

The document alleges that the chairman has developed a “fascist tendency”

The party hard-line faction has also accused Dahal of extending relations with the Indian intelligence agencies.

On the peace process, the hard-line faction has launched lacerating criticism against Dahal for bringing the PLA under the control of the Special Committee and accused him of disarming the PLA and emptying the cantonments in the name of “regrouping” without forging a national security policy, controlling the open border and setting up a border security force.

The circular states Dahal deviated from the party´s ideological goals by not launching appropriate programs to counter the party´s “principal enemy” -- India -- and accused Dahal of extending relations with the sympathizers of “Indian expansionism and its comprador class”.

The Baidya faction has also come down heavily on Dahal´s moves on the constitution drafting front as well. “Despite being said that we would go for a federal system with autonomy to ethnicities, [Dahal] has emphasized unitary and centralized system,” states the document.

According to the document, Dahal has agreed to go for bicameral legislature succumbing to the “bourgeois theory of separation of power, and to minimize the participation of people in the judiciary under the pretext of judicial independence, instead of empowering the People´s Assembly. The document also criticizes Dahal for agreeing to make appointments of judges by a commission, not by the federal assembly as demanded by the party.

The document also expresses dissatisfaction over the party´s move to go for “federal democratic republic” instead of the party´s line of “People´s Federal Democratic Republic.” [i.e. The party is accepting a bourgeois republic rather than fighting for a people's republic; for New Power. -- Monkey Queen]

The Baidya faction has lately launched vitriolic polemics against Dahal and has been registering a series of notes of dissent against the party´s decision.

The relations between the hard-line faction and the moderators have strained further after the party establishment decided to end security being provided by PLA personnel to the senior party leaders. Over two dozen PLA guards deployed for the security of the leaders from the hard-line faction have not yet submitted their weapons and returned to the cantonments, despite the party´s official decision to this effect.

The faction is currently holding a series of meetings and working to strengthen its position in the party.



Published on 2011-06-11 00:00:01

Source: http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=32221

Friday, June 3, 2011

The REAL Reason Protesting "Doesn't Work" in the First World

This post is a response to an article written by my friend, The Hong Se Sun, which can be found here on his blog. I wrote this response to him in an e-mail and publish it now at his request:

The objective factor (the lack of a revolutionary class in this country) is the main reason why, as you say, protesting doesn't "work" in imperialist countries in terms of re-polarizing the situation along radical lines. Accordingly, I don't see why you even feel compelled to answer those who ask you about alternatives thereto.

Well protesting is not revolutionary action anyway, as you point out. But it can be something that contributes to the mixture that changes the objective situation. It can inspire people to take bolder actions sometimes. But no change in the situation of this country will bring even one class therein on board with proletarian revolution and that's the point. Americans belong to the world's richest 10% (at least 98% of them do). They are part of the global upper class, not part of the world's oppressed and exploited majority. Hence in working in America at all, we are working behind enemy lines. We should get comfortable with the fact that nothing is going to "work" in terms of re-polarizing U.S. politics in a positive way. What we are doing behind these enemy lines is working to undermine our country's ability to oppress others in the Third World, in addition to recruiting the tiny handful of Americans who might be open to our message so that they will help us get it into the hands of the masses in the Third World.

The tactical advice you offer IMO mostly flows from this ongoing illusion that a radical re-polarization of the situation in this country is possible and that accordingly we just have to discover how to make that happen. It is not possible. American imperialism has to be defeated by those it actually oppresses: the masses of the Third World. You advise communists not to try and establish leadership of protest actions and to try and win over the sympathy of the U.S. corporate media by toning down our message and making sure it is 'American' enough. What kind of advice is that?? The 2006 Day Without Immigrants actions were a success only if one considers the numbers in attendance the most important measure of success. Yes, one hell of a lot of people showed up! The action was in protest of the December 2005 law criminalizing undocumented migrants. That was the basis of unity. Beyond this, however, there was a definite split among the protesters. The vast majority were, as you pointed out, wanting a way into American life, rather than seeking to tear down America. That (the former) was not a good thing! In fact, it was precisely what the Democrats in turn capitalized on as a 'legitimate' demand, thus becoming able to woo most of the immigrant rights movement. What the American media and political establishment found they could not unite with were those who did, in fact, carry their national flags (Mexican flags in particular) to the actions in question. This, like those signs reading to the affect of "We didn't cross the border, the border crossed us!", promoted a secessionist position on the part of a section of migrant community. This latter section, the one that didn't want to be bought off, but which instead wanted their rightful sovereignty, was the genuinely progressive-minded section.

Just my thoughts. Again, not that I disagree with your essential point, which was of course that "most" protests "don't work" here. Obviously we're in agreement there. I just wanted to highlight that we seem to agree on that, but for different reasons.

On another note, I've noticed a qualitative improvement in your writing style. It has definitely improved since we first met. Just wanted to let you know that I noticed. :)

Tuesday, May 31, 2011

Questions for Those Who Oppose Animal Liberation

1. If we fail to abolish the exploitation and oppression of animals, in addition to people, have we really gotten beyond the ideas of exploitation and oppression?

2. If animals deserve to be oppressed and exploited because of their lower level of intellectual development, then shouldn't also human children or the mentally retarded deserve to be abused (and perhaps even eaten) as well?

3. Would not it benefit the health of the human species to do without the consumption of meat and meat byproducts? (Yes, there are other sources of protein!)

4. Does not the systematic hunting of animals harm the natural balance of global ecosystems?

Amateurism is a Good Thing!

When communists say that they're for establishing a world without definite professions, many people blink. They cannot imagine such a world. In fact, such a world would be altogether antithetical to the reactionary American Dream, which is that of taking someone else's living doing what you love. And you are only supposed to love doing one or a couple particular things, and love them obsessively forever. The American Dream is hence not only a vision of exploitation, but also of a narrow-minded mentality that says "it's best to know a lot about a little". It is very specialized.

Imperialism entrenches a certain division of labor: there are those who survive by doing manual work and others who survive by doing mental work. At the present point, this divide corresponds to whole sections of the world in an overall sense. There are labor-intensive countries, where manual tasks dominate, and capital-intensive countries, where mental tasks dominate. These respectively are the Third World and the First World. The First World populations overwhelmingly enjoy an easy and non-laborious existence at the expense of the Third World populations. They (First Worlders) have lots of access to college education and desk jobs and just generally have lots of leisure time. Third Worlders on the other hand tend to barely get by and tend to overwhelmingly work with their backs tirelessly, 12 hours a day or more very often. They do not generally have access to the same levels of education, leisure time, and sedentary job options that First Worlders do, or even close. It will be an important task of communist revolutionaries to reconcile these distinctions; to abolish the oppressive international division of labor. Yes this means abolishing professions. It means giving the oppressed and exploited the opportunity to engage more fully in mental labors, achieving a balance in the nature of what kinds of work they do. And it means compelling the exploiter populations of the First World to also participate in doing useful, manual work for the planet they inhabit and the people who live therein.

So anyhow, how does one get past professions? Many people have a hard time conceiving of the relaxation of access to certain types of work as a good thing. For instance, many people believe that doctors need to be experts, and thus that only a few people should be doctors. Likewise, many people believe that art is only really art if it is done with the expertise of a professional. Hell, even just with hobbies, there are even First World college students who don't consider people who play video games on a casual basis (that is, the majority of gamers) to be "real gamers" ( ;-) ). Etc.! Legitimacy belongs only to experts in this narrow type of outlook, and things are done better if left exclusively to experts (especially in intellectual fields).

In socialist China, a very different agenda was pursued by the Maoists during and around the time of the Cultural Revolution. This approached aimed to break down what remained of the oppressive division of labor in China. Let us look at what some of the results were:

In Health Care: In 1949, China only had 12,000 Western-trained doctors for a country of some 500 million. By 1965, there were 200,000, but most of the medical care was still concentrated in the cities! This in a country that was still overwhelmingly rural! New doctors were encouraged to work at elite urban hospitals, and to focus on making a career for themselves. Meanwhile, most peasants—the vast majority of China’s population—had little or no access to modern medical care. Such an approach to health care could only help to widen inequalities in society and strengthen the influence of capitalist tendencies.

Mao and those who rallied to his line sharply criticized the direction being taken by the Health Ministry, calling for radical transformations. Under his leadership, the focus of health care shifted to the countryside, even as overall health care improved in the cities. One of the most exciting developments of the Cultural Revolution was the “barefoot doctor” movement. Young peasants and urban youth were sent to the countryside and briefly trained in basic health care and medicine geared to meet local needs and treat the most common illnesses. And doctors went to rural areas—at any given time, a third of the urban doctors were in the countryside. Life expectancy during the period of Mao’s leadership doubled from 32 years in 1949 to 65 years in 1976. The policy shift on health care spoken to here played a big role in producing that impressive result! By the time of Mao's death, some 90% of China's population had access to basic medical care. Following the termination of the "barefoot doctors" program in 1981, it took only a few short years for that percentage to plummet to just 5%. Even the World Health Organization has been forced to concede that the "barefoot doctors" program was a genuine success. This is one excellent example of how learning a little about a lot rather than a lot about a little is actually a superior course. It produced many more doctors for China, thus radically increasing access to basic medical care and improving the life expectancy of the population in a big way.

In the Arts: An explosion of creativity among the masses swept China. Cultural troupes and film units multiplied in the countryside. Between 1972 and 1975, Beijing held four national fine arts exhibitions, with 65% of exhibited works created by amateurs, that attracted an audience of 7.8 million, a scale never reached before the Cultural Revolution. The ordinary masses were brought into the field of culture in unprecedented ways. As a result of vigorous promotion of socialist culture among the masses, China wound up with a multiplied array of short stories, poetry, paintings and sculpture, music, and dance. (We can argue about the limitations that were probably wrongly placed on artistic expression, but no one can deny that interest in the fields of art and culture increased in a big way as a result of the drive to establish a socialist cultural life.)

In Science: “Open-door research” was introduced: research institutes were spread to the countryside and involved peasants; technical laboratories literally opened their doors to workers; and universities set up extension labs in factories and neighborhoods. Popular primers made scientific knowledge available to the masses. The ordinary masses were brought into the field of the natural sciences.

The division of labor was also attacked in various other ways. In the field of education, textbook learning was combined with field work to give students a more rounded picture of the world. In the workplaces, professional management was replaced by various alternatives at various points (some more contrived and limited than others). The most progressive of these gave ordinary working people decision-making authority in their workplaces and required that former professional managers spend time in production. In the military, rank insignia was abolished and a campaign launched to combat officer caste mentality. China's People's Liberation Army members were also expected to help the general working population out with the tasks of production. Society was made more equitable all around in these and other ways.

Contemporary communists, that is Leading Light Communists, are not afraid of de-specialization. It brings with it not only greater equality in society and not only the freedom to engage in all sorts of fields of endeavor without being confined to a particular one, but also superior results in terms of the betterment of the human condition.

Sources of stats:

1. http://revcom.us/a/139/STRS-en.html
2. http://revcom.us/a/141/Mao_true-story-pt2-en.html

Monday, May 30, 2011

What is Maoism?

Earlier I sought to lay out some basics of Marxism and Leninism, and I have already, in many posts, begun introducing the reader to the fourth stage of the communist science, Leading Light Communism. But it occurs to me that I never completed my previously-announced task fully. I have not yet introduced the reader to the basics of classical Maoism. This post will be dedicated to that subject. I will break its distinctive aspects down.

THE TWO "ROOTS" OF MAOIST THEORY:

1. Continual Revolution. Maoists rejected the concept of the "negation of the negation", thus embracing the reality of endless contradictions. Even communist society features contradictions, just not antagonistic ones. Getting from here to a communist world means making revolution, both immediately and at every stage between here and there. It does not mean something else.

2. The Mass Line. This entails two principles that operate simultaneously in a back-and-forth relationship: leading the people in revolution and learning from the people. Communists bring to the oppressed and exploited masses of the world the scientific perspective of communism (authentic communism, that is) in order to give their progressive struggles against oppression and exploitation a radical direction. But it is also not simply a matter of bringing the masses 'our views' from without. It is also a matter of being among the masses in their struggles against oppression and exploitation, listening to their demands, and orienting our strategies to meet their needs. The important thing of the mass line is the understanding that the people are the principal revolutionary weapon in your arsenal. You must depend on the masses to make their revolution. You cannot make it for them or simply wield them as instruments. You instead must guide the masses in their struggles in an overall sense, while learning their needs and genuinely listening to their perspectives. You synthesize the resultant lessons in an ongoing way, thereby continually refining the communist science itself. This orientation, if applied correctly, yields continual advances in both communist theory and revolutionary practice. The purpose of communist revolution is to service the needs of the world's oppressed and exploited masses. (Leading Light Communists understand that this means the Third World masses, not the exploiter First World populations.)

These two principles are the most elementary to Maoism. All other aspects of Maoist theory are built on the above two foundations: the foundations of ongoing revolutionary struggle through mass mobilization for the purpose of meeting the needs of the oppressed and exploited. These two principles are concentrated in many other Maoist formulations, such as "people's war", "cultural revolution", etc.

THE MAOIST PATH TO COMMUNISM BROADLY:

Mao described the path to communism as the process of abolishing the 4 Alls: 1) all class distinctions, 2) all exploitative economic relations, 3) all oppressive social relations, and 4) all corresponding ideas. The Maoist principle of continual revolution holds that these are all actionable principles (as in not just the natural result of economic development), and the mass line concept contends that the masses must be mobilized to accomplish all these objectives for themselves.

THE THREE "BRANCHES" (i.e. SPECIFICS) OF MAOIST THEORY:

1. People's War and New Democratic Revolution. People's war is a revolutionary war led by a proletarian vanguard party that operates according to the principles of the mass line. Its objective is democratic revolution of a new sort; a revolution that establishes proletarian democracy, not capitalist democracy. Maoists have conceived of this as being concentrated in the objective of establishing a people's republic as the first objective in the struggle to get to a communist world. A people's republic is a coalition government consisting of parties corresponding to all the progressive sections of society (all the oppressed and exploited masses), led by the vanguard party of the proletariat: the most oppressed class in society. Accordingly, succeeding in people's war entails working in a nuanced way with a block of 4 progressive classes: 1) the proletariat, 2) the peasantry, 3) the various middle strata, and 4) the anti-imperialist Third World bourgeoisie. This block of classes unites around the common objective of achieving Third World development. The contradictions within this block of classes may be apparent, but they are also non-antagonistic ones that can be resolved in peaceful ways. Accordingly, the Maoist conception of the transition to socialism entails, for example, buying out the Third World anti-imperialist bourgeoisie and integrating them into the regular workforce rather than treating them in a hostile way, like by forcibly expropriating them and shipping them off to forced work camps. Traditionally, Maoists were in agreement that this path was appropriate at least for Third World nations, while some held that people's war was a universally applicable principle. Among the Chinese Maoists, Lin Biao went as far as to theorize that the world proletarian revolution should take the form of a single, worldwide people's war fought by the oppressed peoples of the Third World against the First World. Leading Light Communists embrace a strategy essentially similar to Lin Biao's. New democratic revolution opens the door to socialism by sweeping away imperialism and feudalism.

2. Collectivization of Life as the Path to Communism. Maoists do not embrace the Soviet model of socialist development, which centered on the state-ification of society and a developmental focus on heavy industry. Maoists instead embrace a balanced, all-around approach to economic development (i.e. simultaneous development of light and heavy industry, of city and countryside) achieved through the collectivization of life. Continual collectivization is understood as being compatible with the eventual abolition of the state altogether. It is the bridge between socialism and communism. The masses must come to run society for themselves directly, and this must be an actionable principle (not simply 'the natural result of economic development').

3. Cultural Revolution. The cultural life of society must be transformed through mass mobilization as well. This is particularly essential to prevent counterrevolution. A proletarian culture must flourish under socialism.

Monday, April 25, 2011

The Global Slum and the Mall Economy: New Challenges Communist Revolutionaries Face Today

Prairie Fire has authored a very good article on the sorts of new challenges that we face today in terms of how to radically change the world for the better. It is good enough (and short enough) to be worth re-posting in its entirety here:

Prairie Fire: New world, new challenges, new science

New world, new challenges, new science
by Prairie Fire
(llco.org)

In 1965, as wars of liberation waged around the world, Lin Biao wrote of the great divide between the global city versus the global countryside, the rich countries versus the poor countries, the First World versus the Third World. This continues to be the principal contradiction today. Lin Biao saw the world revolution through the lenses of people’s war. Just as Mao’s people’s war in China advanced from the countryside to surround, then conquer, China’s cities, so too would global people’s war advance from the global countryside to surround, then conquer, the global city. This basic outlook continues to be correct today, as it was in 1965. However, the world has changed greatly in the last half century. Our political economy, our concepts of underdevelopment, class, revolutionary agency, and practice must all be updated to meet these challenges. Here are some basic points that need to be understood by revolutionaries:

1. Underdevelopment has taken new forms. Imperialism has created a lopsided world. Development has been, and continues to be, uneven from country to country. In the past, those countries that were considered to be developed were industrialized and also had diversified economies. Some of these developed countries were imperialist ones, others were socialist. The socialist ones built themselves up and sustained themselves through their own labor and resources. By contrast, the imperialist countries became developed on the backs of their colonies and neo-colonies. The imperialist countries built up their economies at the expense of others. For example, the industrial-revolution economies of Western Europe and North America were made possible and given a boost by the value created by slavery and value transfers from colonies. Cheap labor and raw materials, plunder of land through genocide, and the opening of new colonial markets aided in the modernization of the West. This process continues in various forms today. However, underdevelopment today differs in some respects than past underdevelopment. In the past, underdevelopment was often linked to both lack of industrialization and lack of diversification of production. In the past, an underdeveloped economy was usually a poor economy that was mainly geared toward production of one or two cash crops or mineral or other resource extraction. These products would then be processed, or refined, or enter into a larger production process in the imperialist developed countries. In other words, in the past, industrialization and diversification was almost always associated with development. And, lack of industrialization and lack of diversification was almost always associated with underdevelopment. Even though this old pattern continues in some places, in other places new patterns are emerging. Today, the wealthy, imperialist countries are no longer industrialized as they once were. Today, in many parts of the First World, fewer and fewer people are employed in factories. Rather, more and more people are employed in distribution, commerce, management, and the public sector. In many parts of the First World, populations consume more and more, but produces less and less. This is the rise of the mall economy of the First World. At the same time, factories are moved to the Third World. Many Third World economies have become industrialized and diversified, yet the primary beneficiaries of this are not Third World populations, but the imperial populations of the First World. In other words, even though the Third World countries are producing, the value is mainly directed outward to the First World. The surplus is not directed into the Third World economies in a way that benefits the population, aids self-determination, or produces truly national capital. Instead, the benefactors are the imperialists and the imperial populations. Thus healthy development is not simply a matter of industrialization and diversification. And underdevelopment is not simply a lack of these qualities. Today both the First World and Third World are increasingly mal-developed. The First World, producing less and consuming more, is increasingly parasitic on the Third World.

2. New Democracy will take new forms. In the past, imperialism divided the world, for the most part, into traditionally developed and traditionally underdeveloped countries. Traditionally underdeveloped countries were described in various ways: “semi-feudalism,” “comprador capitalism,” “bureaucrat capitalism,” etc. These descriptions emphasized various aspects of mal-development in the Third World. One implication of this was that revolution in the Third World could be described as a two stage process. The first stage is the New Democratic stage. The New Democratic revolution unites much of the peasantry, workers, petty bourgeoisie, and even some of the patriotic capitalists of the Third World against imperialism, for land reform, national development and basic democratic reforms. New Democratic revolution lays the basis for the second stage. The second stage is socialism, where the proletariat further reorganizes society in its interest. This lays the basis for communism, the end of all oppression. The changing nature of underdevelopment in the Third World today will affect the revolutionary process. The New Democracy of the future may not necessarily be an agricultural affair based on “land to the tiller.” It may not be based on land struggles at all. It may not be centered on the countryside. The slum dwelling classes and their concerns for shelter, to have their own small trade and businesses, and survival generally, may become a greater and greater part of the early revolutionary process, and of New Democracy. Or, this may lay the basis for a whole new kind of socialist revolution in the Third World: New Socialism.

3. The revolutionary agent will take ever new forms. The world economy has created vast reservoirs of impoverished people in the Third World who do not add to the total social product, but, rather, survive on the edges. Many of these people barely survive in the megaslums of the Third World. Many of them live in refugee camps or survive on aid. At the same time, in some parts of the Third World, the unionized industrial working class has become a relatively privileged strata among the population with less immediate interest in radical social transformation. This working class is sometimes more privileged than the numerous street vendors and small traders who reside in Third World slums. The concept of the proletariat need not be tied exclusively to a role within production per se, but can be tied to overall social position and impoverishment. In some places in the world, those who match Marx’s famous description of having “nothing to lose but their chains” are not always those who sell their labor to capitalists. Thus there is a rise of new proletarians.

4. Just as the class structure of the Third World has changed, so has the class structure of the First World. In the First World, the revolutionary class has passed from the scene. In the 1960s, there was some basis for thinking that a revolutionary social base existed within the ghettos and captive nations of the First World. Such a base is nonexistent today. There is no significant First World revolutionary class, no significant First World proletariat. There is no significant stand-in First World revolutionary class. This means that we must look beyond the First World for a revolutionary social base. This means global people’s war is the primary means of bringing the New Power of the proletariat to the First World.

5. With the growth of the global slum and new proletarians, the shape of future people’s wars will change. In some parts of the Third World, people’s war will follow the traditional Maoist pattern. It will be mostly peasant movement led by the communist line that establishes ever greater base areas and red zones, the new society in miniature, in those places where the state is weakest. It will be tied to New Democratic demands, especially the demand for land. It will be a protracted advance from the countryside to city. However, the changing world will make this pattern not viable everywhere. Some geographies make the traditional Maoist model problematic. Also, the growth in imperialist air power will affect the ability to set up traditional base areas and red zones. Most importantly, the growth of the urban population will make the urban slum more and more important in the people’s war.

6. There is a growing ecological crisis. The capitalist system is based on infinite expansion beyond our means. Yet our Earthly resources are finite. Thus capitalism is incompatible with the continued survival of the planetary ecosystem. First World consumption is out of proportion; it is leading us toward ecological catastrophe. Environments are rapidly changing due to human intervention. Revolutionaries of the future are going to have to adopt strategies that take this into account. Revolutionaries need to examine not just the forces of production and social relations, but also the conditions of production themselves. Revolutionaries need to take the natural world into account. Socialist development cannot treat nature as a never ending resource to be consumed. The New Power of the future will need to be ecologically sustainable. The survival of all life on Earth is on the line.

7. New technology and greater mobility open up new paths for revolution. Greater communication and mobility mean that revolutions may be increasingly dynamic in important ways. Subjective and objective conditions can change in explosive ways, very rapidly. Tempos can accelerate seemingly out of nowhere. Events in one location can quickly influence events and conditions around the world. Revolution will become more globalized in important ways. New technologies will have a profound on impact on how revolutions are made. New technologies will open up new possibilities during socialist construction.

Leading Light Communism has advanced revolutionary science in almost every way. This is a big part of why Leading Light Communism is a whole new stage of revolutionary science. It is the pinnacle of revolutionary science today. Political economy is key to making revolution. However, it is not enough to limit these advances to the realm of theory. To match our advances in theory, we must also advance our organizational forms to meet today’s challenges. We must strike out in ever new, bold ways. We must not be afraid to lead not only in the ideological realm, but also on the ground. We have the plan, the organization, the leadership. Follow the Leading Light. Be the Leading Light.

Saturday, April 23, 2011

A New Vision of Communism

The Leading Lights are the leaders of a new communist movement. Leading Light Communism is a new understanding of communism, the science of human emancipation.

Like earlier communists, Leading Lights aim to establish a world without class distinctions, economic exploitation, social oppression, or corresponding backward ideas. They aim to establish a world without borders or states, without money or barter, without exclusive professions. A world without racism or sexism or gender oppression or heterosexism or any other form of discrimination. A world free of religious illusions and the patriarchal family unit. A world with a balanced population distribution; one without overcrowded urban sprawl or isolating rural countryside. A world in which all possessions are owned in common. A world in which things are produced by those with the ability to produce them and distributed according to need, rather than according to market laws of supply and demand. A world without antagonistic social tensions and thus without war. In short, like earlier communists, Leading Lights seek to establish not a "perfect" world, but a nonetheless much better kind of world characterized by equality. And Leading Lights, like earlier communists, recognize that the only path from here to there is that of a worldwide revolution led by the proletariat, the lowest and most oppressed class of today's world, against the capitalist system and its ruling class, the bourgeoisie. Communists (real ones anyway) are the political expression of the proletariat. In particular, Leading Lights borrow many ideas from such renowned historical communist leaders as Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, and Mao Zedong.

Unlike earlier communists though, Leading Lights grasp that class distinctions have largely polarized along geographic (often national) lines in the current era, the era of capitalist imperialism. In today's world, the proletariat and other oppressed and exploited classes are overwhelmingly concentrated in the exploited countries, the Third World. The exploiter countries, the First World, consist overwhelmingly of parasites who live in luxury by sucking the resources out of the Third World, thus creating poverty and reinforcing backwardness. This overarching state of affairs is the main source of conflict in today's world. It is the main expression that class struggle takes in today's world. In answer to this problem, Leading Lights, the new vanguard of the proletariat, seek to lead a worldwide popular war from the Third World to overthrow imperialism and feudalism, thus preparing the ground for a revolutionary transition into socialism (a transitional state of affairs wherein the bourgeoisie at least largely no longer exist and wherein society owns the main means of production and primarily distributes the fruits of production according to need) and finally into communism. In keeping with this understanding of the shape of the contemporary world and with this strategy for the forcible overthrow of all existing conditions, Leading Lights can also be distinguished from earlier communists in their vision of what a communist world looks like. Leading Lights understand that it is not possible to generalize First World living standards, precisely because of the means by which those living standards have been achieved. First World living standards are so extravagant that they aren't even ecologically sustainable! Instead, Leading Light Communism is genuine global equality. It is sustainability. It evens out the wealth of the First World with that of the Third World. It balances the needs of humanity with those of the natural environment. In these ways, it represents a new understanding and a new level of equality: one grounded in the reality that our shared world has real limits that need to be respected, not disregarded. Leading Light Communism is shared abundance, not the impossible pipe dream of shared extravagance. The outdated vision of "communism" that advocates shared extravagance is what Leading Lights call First Worldism (or First World chauvinism) because it rationalizes the privileges of the exploiting First World populations; privileges which objectively cannot be generalized and thus made universal standards. All First Worldists in effect support the class enemies of the proletariat on one level or another because they insist on the retention, if not the further extension, of what objectively are their privileges over others.

I am a Leading Light. Leading Lights Communism is the future. All other schools of "communism" are today outmoded. Our understanding of the present shape of the world and corresponding vision of communism matches reality. It is a major, and vital, breakthrough for our science. Are you on board with the future or are you stuck in the past?

Monday, April 18, 2011

Al Qaeda's Opposition to Qaddafi: Are There Two Outmodeds?

As some are probably aware, Bob Avakian (Chairman of the Revolutionary Communist Party USA) has, for many years now, been putting out a theory on America's global war of terror that he calls the two outmodeds theory. He sums it up this way:
“What we see in contention here with Jihad on the one hand and McWorld/McCrusade on the other hand, are historically outmoded strata among colonized and oppressed humanity up against historically outmoded ruling strata of the imperialist system. These two reactionary poles reinforce each other, even while opposing each other. If you side with either of these ‘outmodeds,’ you end up strengthening both.”
A compelling response to this formulation was provided a couple years back in the Monkey Smashes Heaven theoretical journal. The entire article is worth reading. It was in large part a polemic on the RCP's line provided in response to their position on the U.S.-backed late-2008/early-2009 Israeli attack on the people of Gaza. Below I'll provide some of the key highlights from that article that really sum up its main point on the two outmodeds theory:

According to the RCP (USA), supporting Hamas, who are the main force resisting this latest escalation of the genocidal violence against Palestinians, is tantamount to supporting the United States. To support Hamas, according to Bob Afakean, is to support the imperialist system. For the RCP (USA), Hamas and Amerikan Imperialism are two sides of the same coin. What this amounts to is a call for the Palestinian people to abandon their resistance, which happens to be often led by Islamic forces. The RIM-line, in the concrete, is a call to abandon any real resistance.

...

Maoist-Third Worldists recognize that the principal contradiction in the world is between imperialism and exploited nations. Maoist-Third Worldists support the broad united front against the principal enemy: imperialism, especially Amerikan Imperialism. Maoist-Third Worldists support the oppressed in their struggles against imperialism, even when the resistance against imperialism is not led by the proletariat.


As you can see, it is an excellent polemical response! It clearly shows that, at best, Bob Avakian's formulation is overly simplistic. In fact, in an overall sense, that MSH article is persuasive as a counterpoint to me. In the past, I had not really even thought much about what the practical alternative was for the oppressed if you opposed all their real resistance to imperialism. Back when I first read it, that article got me thinking more deeply about the real world implications of the RCP's line both regarding the two outmodeds theory and more broadly. But what I will call into question here though is whether the two outmodeds theory should be totally disregarded. Is it really accurate to say that there is absolutely no truth to the two outmodeds formulation?

Consider the present situation in Libya. We know that government leader Muammar Qaddafi for much of the last decade has supported and joined his country to America's global war of terror as part of a general rapprochement with the United States and the global Northwest more broadly. Yet when the imperialists began moving toward a direct military attack on his country, Qaddafi retreated from all this and put forward that he would be willing to forge an alliance with Al Qaeda against the U.S. and the West if attacked by his erstwhile patrons. And...

Gaddafi also indicated that certain oil and gas contracts involving Libya and several Western companies, such as Italy's state-controlled energy giant ENI, would be reviewed once the rebellion had been quashed.

'I think and I hope that the Libyan people will reconsider the economic, financial and security ties with the West,' Gaddafi said.


By contrast, what is Al Qaeda's orientation in this situation of actual U.S. and Western military attack on the legitimate government of Libya, that of Qaddafi, in support of their stooge regime in Benghazi? While Qaddafi's claims that Al Qaeda is running the rebellion are obviously untrue exaggerations, they ARE fully supporting it. They claim to be fighting against both the U.S. and the West on the one hand and against the Qaddafi government on the other. Qaddafi offers an alliance against the U.S. and the West and Al Qaeda rejects it and opts to go their own road alone. Thus which side, in Al Qaeda's view, is really the greater enemy? They are willing to support the stooge regime in Benghazi that is also embraced by the United States, after all. Thus we see how, even as they are fighting the American occupation of Afghanistan, they are effectively helping to foster one in Libya. In the latter scenario, is it not indeed transparently the case that "If you side with either of these ‘outmodeds,’ you end up strengthening both” since they are on the same side of the battle lines, even if in an uneasy way?

Well let's dig deeper and get to the real root of this question. What do we mean by "outmoded"? I sought to clarify that matter in this earlier entry. At one point I made the statement that...

The consistent historical meaning of "left" and "right" is that "left wing" refers to those who support a new and historically more advanced mode of production, whereas "right wing" refers to those who uphold the old order, whatever it may be in the given situation (feudalism, capitalism, or whatever).


The immediate objective of authentic communist revolutionaries in the modern era, the era of capitalist imperialism, is the accomplishment of democratic revolution under the leadership of the proletariat. And while we demand communist leadership of democratic revolutionary struggles against imperialism, it is not always immediately possible to affect that said leadership. But we unite with anti-imperialist democratic forces regardless because they are progressive relative to the principal contradiction. From the time of Lenin we have understood that imperialism stunts and warps the development of the global countryside, the Third World, such that major remnants of feudalism remain permanently intact. Thus, in the era of capitalist imperialism, even the bourgeoisie themselves are incapable of actually rupturing with feudalism in a complete way. That is why imperialism in the main enemy of the proletariat in the contemporary world. But what if you have patriotic, or even more internationalist, feudal forces who are willing to put up a fight against imperialism to an extent, but are, at the same time and in the main, unwilling to support democratic transformation in society? How are you to treat those kinds of forces? After all, they oppose even the very first step that communist revolutionaries insist on: anti-imperialist revolution that is of a democratic quality. That is the essence of what the two outmodeds theory seeks to get at.

While my comrades have made it clear to me that many of the forces BA lumps together in his clumsy theory are, in fact, patriotic bourgeois forces -- forces essentially both against imperialism and for democracy, that is -- such as the government of Iran, as well as Hezbullah, Hamas, and some others...I still tend to see forces like the Taliban and Al Qaeda in a qualitatively different way. Let's get down to the nitty gritty: what is the most basic aspect of democratic revolution? It is the economic dimension, of course. That is, kicking out the foreign capitalists and democratically redistributing agricultural land to tillers. Forces like the Taliban and Al Qaeda tend to support the former key task while opposing the latter. By contrast, the Iranian government, Hezbullah, Hamas, etc. all support these democratic tasks broadly. The likes of the Taliban and Al Qaeda simply oppose imperialism because they see it as an impediment to retrograde national and regional traditions and/or to the spreading of those traditions worldwide. With the patriotic bourgeoisie of the Third World the international proletariat at least has in common the objective of national development. That is the basis for their inclusion as part of the block of four progressive classes. But the likes of the Taliban and Al Qaeda broadly oppose national development. So do they still qualify as part of the block of four progressive classes with whom you can unite? Is not the whole point of our revolution to advance, not to retreat, through the historical modes of production up to communism? What has the proletariat in common with monstrous feudal oppression, even if it is motivated in part by a sense of patriotism or broader Third World unity? There is only one thing I can think of and that is a circumstantially common enemy in imperialism. (And, as I have sought to highlight above, we do not even consistently have that in common in reality.) But that is only the basis for a purely tactical, low-level, temporary united front, not for their inclusion as part of the permanent four-class alliance of progressive classes. I simply cannot imagine non-antagonistically reconciling forces like the Taliban and Al Qaeda to socialism. They are viscerally hostile toward it and toward everything it stands for.

What I am saying is that we should treat Islamic (and other Third World patriotic) forces with nuance rather than adopting these overly generalizing stances toward them, whether they be complete opposition or complete support. Some are qualitatively more progressive than others. Some are essentially bourgeois. Others are essentially feudal. This is grounds for differentiation in our orientation. Some we can ultimately form a grand alliance with. Others we can only ally with on a purely tactical, temporary basis. I hope the reader gets my point.

Friday, April 1, 2011

The Periods of the Cold War

This post is just an addition to what I wrote here yesterday, March 31, 2011.

Although yesterday I indicated general agreement with the Workers' World article with the exception of the portion under the heading "Working class enters anti-war movement", my position on one other part should be clarified as well:

During the first half of the 20th century, imperialist war was driven by inter-imperialist rivalry and struggles over which country would be able to loot the colonial peoples. During the latter part of the 20th century, war and the threat of war were driven by the struggle of imperialism against the socialist camp and the national liberation movements — the Cold War.

Now the permanent tendency of imperialism toward war and militarism is driven by the drive for reconquest of the territories lost in that period.


This part of the article is obviously key, as it addresses the historical record of the imperialist era of capitalism in very broad strokes. As indicated yesterday, I largely agree with the above quote, but my take on some aspects of the historical record might merit some clarification.

Following their correct summation of the period up through World War 2, Workers' World proceeds to lay out two distinctive periods that corresponded to actual U.S. government policies respectively called the Plan for the American Century (1947-1997) and the Plan for the New American Century (1997-present), which literally laid out/lay out (as applicable) strategies for world conquest. In the first of these post-WW2 periods, the U.S. won the basic victory, establishing itself as the sole surviving superpower. The second, current period is characterized by a drive to consolidate that victory by eliminating the phenomenon of "rogue states". All of this is correct. And yes, in the current period, all the imperialists are essentially united under American leadership against the remaining "rogue states" and those who seek to establish "rogue states".

However, this statement from the above quote..."During the latter part of the 20th century, war and the threat of war were driven by the struggle of imperialism against the socialist camp and the national liberation movements — the Cold War"....is somewhat a mischaracterization stemming from the WWP's persistent refusal to recognize that, for the most of the Cold War, the Soviet Union was not a socialist country, but a mighty imperialist power in its own right. The Cold War had a number of periods:

In the first period, which lasted roughly one decade (1945-55ish), the Soviet Union was still a socialist country and at the head of the socialist and anti-imperialist camp. For most of this period, tensions between the U.S. and the USSR were especially high and even spilled over into actual combat with each other in the Korean War. Tensions gradually cooled from 1951 on, as Soviet leader Joseph Stalin started considering the Korean War a stalemate and spent the next couple years negotiated a cease-fire. Then, after Stalin died and the Korean War ended in 1953, new Soviet leadership emerged at the top that was qualitatively more amenable to re-establishing diplomatic ties with the imperialists.

The second period began in 1956, when a new Soviet leader by the name of Nikita Khrushchev denounced Stalin as a "criminal" and jettisoned the previous view that an atomic/nuclear showdown between the socialist and capitalist camps was ultimately inevitable due to the belligerence of the latter, embracing instead a theory and policy of permanent "peaceful co-existence" with the imperialists. To rationalize this collaborative, anti-antagonistic policy, Khrushchev also put forward the theory of the "peaceful transition" into socialism, i.e. of the possibility of proletarian revolution without warfare. This policy shift on the USSR's part yielded a major split in the global anti-U.S. camp, led generally by socialist China. The Chinese Communists under Mao Zedong's leadership argued that the Soviet leadership was now pointing that country away from the objective of world revolution and in the direction of rapprochement with the imperialists and that the accomplishment of said feat would be impossible unless they abandoned socialism. The abandonment of socialism, they contended, would be a precondition for diplomatic rapprochement with the imperialists under U.S. leadership. Thus, it was argued, Khrushchev was a revisionist: someone who, while claiming to be a Marxist and perhaps even believing themself one, takes up politics that are fundamentally irreconcilable with Marxism. In 1963, Khrushchev did indeed reorganize the Soviet economy along profit lines, thus effectively restoring capitalism under a system of broad state ownership. But try as he did, Khrushchev was never able to establish a close diplomatic relationship with the U.S., and the Soviet Union under Leonid Brezhnev saw an opening through which to make imperialist inroads of the country's own against U.S. imperialism in the Vietnam War and other national liberation struggles. Thus began the third period of the Cold War in the mid-1960s.

Under Brezhnev's leadership, the USSR undertook an aggressive foreign policy, literally taking a large number of semi-colonies and conquering those states under its influence that sought to challenge that influence. Meanwhile, from the start of the second period, China had been seeking to establish its leadership of the Cold War against the imperialist camp led by the United States, recognizing that the Soviet Union wasn't seriously looking to finish the world proletarian revolution. China's Cultural Revolution period (1966-69) marked the height of this effort. But the Chinese Maoists had not initially fully recognized the distinction between the compromising yet still ultimately socialist state of affairs on the USSR's part during the second period of the Cold War and that of the country's aggressive, social-imperialist policies that began in earnest in this new, third period of the Cold War. By the time of the Cultural Revolution, there had been some recognition that the Soviet Union was now basically capitalist, but no clear-cut recognition as yet that it was actually a highly aggressive imperialist power. That recognition came in 1968 and '69, when the USSR invaded and subjugated Czechoslovakia and repeatedly attacked China. It also came out in 1969 that the Soviet Union had developed more extensive plans for a nuclear confrontation with China than it had for one with the United States. Now it was clear: the imperialist camp now definitely included the Soviet Union, and as an aggressive superpower in its own right. From that point on, China wrongly took up an opportunistic policy of establishing a united front with the USA against Soviet social-imperialism. The latter was of much closer proximity to China and thus was viewed as the more imminent danger...to China. Had they thought more about what the greater danger to the world overall was, they might have acted differently and in a more principled way. Anyhow, America happily obliged, thus, over the course of the 1970s and early '80s, wiping out the socialist camp (which, during this period, consisted of China, Albania, North Vietnam, and Democratic Kampuchea) indirectly by bringing the leader of the remaining socialist camp, China, on a certain level, into its camp. By 1986, there were no remaining socialist states on Earth and the U.S. had clearly regained the upper hand in the Cold War against its bourgeois rival, the USSR. Now began the fourth and final period of the Cold War: the capitulation of the Soviet Union to the United States.

So I just wanted to clarify that there were these complex twists and turns to the Cold War. China's rapprochement with the United States in the 1970s and '80s was likely the single most determining factor in the outcome. In that move, one-fourth of humanity lost the socialist system and went back to capitalism, in league with the world's top-dog oppressor: it's main purveyor of violence and exploitation. So I would tend to argue that the Cold War, as an anti-imperialist low-level war, was basically lost in 1971, when the decision was made by the Chinese government to meet with U.S. president Nixon and to oust the opponents of that meet from the People's Liberation Army, and thus from essential control of the state. We are only just now recovering ideologically from that disaster. With the (real) socialist camp out of the way, America found beating out its only significant imperialist rival, the Soviet Union, comparatively easy. As I think you might be able to see by now, my take on the nature of the Cold War differs quite a lot from the WWP's pro-Soviet account. My take is considerably more complex. But on the ultimate outcome of the Cold War, the defeat of the socialist camp generally (IMO completely) and the establishment of America as the sole remaining superpower, we agree.

Thursday, March 31, 2011

Libya's "Civil" War in Perspective

I cannot resist re-posting a Workers' World article I recently ran across on the subject of Libya that really helps put things in perspective by focusing on the bigger picture within which this U.S.-led bombing and now apparently rebel-backing campaign is taking place. It's well worth reading. The reader may, however, disregard the final section under the heading "Working class enters anti-war movement" because it is nothing but a pack of First Worldist lies.

Libya and the era of imperialist reconquest

Published Mar 24, 2011 10:05 PM

However the rebellion in Libya began, it was both inevitable and entirely predictable that it would quickly become an opening for imperialist intervention and counterrevolution in the oil-rich North African country.

The fact that the “rebellion” received sympathetic, screaming headlines, ferociously hostile to the government of Moammar Gadhafi from the very beginning, should have been sufficient to put the entire anti-imperialist movement on guard. The boiler-plate propaganda about “massacres,” without the slightest evidence, was repeated as if it were the gospel truth. That should have been further evidence of the plans for “great power” intervention (“great” in their oppression, as Vladimir Lenin pointed out long ago).

The condemnations were particularly hypocritical coming from the mouths of the same imperialist powers that have been massacring oppressed people on every continent since the dawn of colonialism — from the slave trade in Africa to the cruelty of conquistadors in South America, the genocide of Indigenous peoples in the U.S., the colonization of India, up to the present-day campaigns against the Palestinians in Gaza, Predator drone massacres of civilians in Afghanistan and Pakistan, to say nothing of the wholesale destruction of Iraqi society and the attendant mass killing of civilians.

There have been numerous rebellions and many documented massacres of unarmed civilians in recent months that have not spurred military action by the imperialist powers. Is it even conceivable that Washington would lobby or arm-twist the Arab League to provide a figleaf for U.S. intervention in support of protesters in Yemen, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia or Jordan? No, because these have been genuine rebellions against autocratic regimes backed by the White House and the Pentagon.

There have been no campaigns to get U.N. Security Council resolutions authorizing military action in any of these countries. No aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines, missile ships, AWACS planes, spy satellites, etc., moved into position to support these genuine popular uprisings against moth-eaten reactionary monarchies that guard the interests of the U.S. and Western oil companies, as well as the strategic position of the Pentagon in the Persian Gulf region.

Bush, Obama & ‘regime change’

The fact is that the Obama administration, the British and the French have de facto put Libya on the “axis of evil” list started by George W. Bush in his infamous 2002 State of the Union speech, where he singled out Iraq, Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea as targets for “regime change.” That is what “Gadhafi must go” means.

What these three countries have in common is that they all threw imperialism out of their countries during the rise of the socialist camp and the national liberation movements after World War II. They were part of a global movement that fought to establish economic and political independence from transnational banks, corporations and the Pentagon.

Libya falls directly into that category, having overthrown puppet King Idris and ousted imperialism in 1969 under the leadership of Col. Moammar Gadhafi. The Libyan revolution, like the revolutions in Iraq in 1958 and Iran in 1979, also nationalized Western-owned oil companies and shut down imperialist military bases. The fact that Gadhafi shifted toward the West later, opening up to oil companies and imposing International Monetary Fund-dictated austerity programs, is not enough to satisfy the voracious appetite of the corporations for profit. They want to take the whole country — lock, stock and barrel.

Libya & the era of reconquest

The invasion of Libya is part of a long-term trend on the part of the imperialist countries that began with the collapse of the USSR and Eastern Europe from 1989 to 1991. That trend is to reconquer territories and riches lost during the 20th-century rise of the socialist camp and the national liberation movements.

That is what the intervention in Libya is about. That is what the two wars in Iraq were about. And that is what the permanent threats to Iran and North Korea are about, not to mention the permanent blockade of Cuba, the military encirclement of China and the attempt to destroy the government of Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe.

In other words, the right to national sovereignty, self-determination and self-defense of formerly oppressed countries is obsolete, according to the doctrine of the New World Order.

The mad adventure in Libya, led by Washington and supported by Britain and France, shows once again that war and militarism are an integral feature of imperialism and of the monopoly-capitalist system upon which it rests.

During the first half of the 20th century, imperialist war was driven by inter-imperialist rivalry and struggles over which country would be able to loot the colonial peoples. During the latter part of the 20th century, war and the threat of war were driven by the struggle of imperialism against the socialist camp and the national liberation movements — the Cold War.

Now the permanent tendency of imperialism toward war and militarism is driven by the drive for reconquest of the territories lost in that period.

Imperialism & permanent war

U.S. imperialism now has two wars and a major post-war occupation going on simultaneously — in Afghanistan, Libya and Iraq. It has made northeastern Pakistan a free-fire zone for predator drones. Since the collapse of the USSR and Eastern Europe in 1989-1991, it has launched five wars of conquest — in Iraq twice, in Yugoslavia in 1999. in Afghanistan in 2001, and now in Libya.

It has threatened two other wars — one against Iran and the other against People’s Korea. U.S. troops have been at war continuously for the last decade.

Washington has five aircraft carriers, each accompanied by a flotilla of 10 destroyers, frigates and other warships in the Mediterranean and the Red Sea surrounding Libya. The French and the Italian imperialists each have a carrier in the area as well.

The entire imperialist world, with a combined gross domestic product of more than $20 trillion, a combined population of close to a billion people, and a combined military machine worth at least $2 trillion is bearing down on Libya — an underdeveloped, formerly colonized country of 6 million people with an economy of some $40 billion that is without the capability to defend itself militarily against the juggernaut facing it.

The French and the British capitalist governments were clamoring for a no-fly zone as a pretext for intervention and to guard their oil interests. But it was not until Washington got behind the effort, forcing the Arab League and the U.N. Security Council to go along and moving its military flotilla and air force into position, that the attack could begin.

Working class enters anti-war movement

These wars have cost trillions of dollars. They are eroding the economic foundation of U.S. capitalist society and imposing a huge cost upon the workers, the poor and the oppressed who pay for the wars, both with their tax money and with the loss of vital social services.

This plunge into a new war comes in the midst of a profound economic crisis, a jobless recovery, growing mass unemployment and a budding rebellion of the working class, which has shown itself in the Wisconsin struggle against union busting and austerity budgets.

On March 19 a mass anti-war march took place in Madison, Wis., that was attended by thousands of unionists and their supporters in a joint effort with the anti-war movement. This is a step forward in the U.S. in the direction of giving the anti-war movement a working-class character.

As the wars multiply and the attacks on the workers grow more severe, a genuine working-class rebellion against imperialist war will come onto the agenda. The working class is the only class that can put an end to imperialist war.


Articles copyright 1995-2011 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

(Source: http://www.workers.org/2011/world/imperialist_reconquest_0331/)

See what I mean?

Well anyhow, let's briefly look at the the final section I advised the reader to disregard, such as to examine its basic flaws. The author rambles on about how the reconquest of Libya hurts Americans economically by way of tax drainage and "loss of vital social services". (Even Workers' World does not dare claim that there will be a substantial loss of American life.) Yes, I once believed the myth that imperialist war really hurts First world "workers" as well. It is forwarded by seemingly every revisionist organization in America. The purpose is to blur class distinctions between the general populations of the exploiter countries (like the United States) on the one hand and those of the exploited countries (like Libya) on the other and make the case that there is some sort of common interest between the exploited and oppressed on the one hand and their exploiters and oppressors on the other. What I have come to more thoroughly realize in recent months, however, is that this argument quite literally abolishes the labor aristocracy component of the law of uneven development. It separates imperialist conquest in the reader's mind from the logical consequences for Americans. Imperialist conquests occur for a reason. Everyone on the so-called radical left in America recognizes that the interests of the likes of the United States, Britain, France, Italy, Spain, and Canada in Libya have everything to do with increasing the profit margins of their respective oil giants. What they generally neglect to analyze, however, is how this increase in profit margins is realized on the domestic scene. It is realized through the suppression of price rises, and thus through increased consumption. Increased supply of oil lowers, or at least suppresses, the price thereof for its recipients in the First World.

When in the 1970s OPEC imposed an embargo on the sale of oil to countries supporting Israel (like the United States), oil prices soared in the First World as supplies diminished and, in some places, actually ran out. People had less money to spare as a result. Less money for governments to take in as tax revenue with which to fund lavish social services. There was general economic strain. Once supplication was resumed and oil production increased in the exporting countries, things stabilized again and the First World breathed a sigh of relief. This demonstrates how the theft of oil from the Third World is a key factor in Americans being able to drive around in their own private cars, for instance. It is just one small example of what I mean by how the First World populations benefit from the exploitation of the Third World. Imperialism is the method by which the loyalties of the First World population to the capitalist system are bought; the method by which relative social peace is achieved in the imperialist countries.

I believe this picture should adequately do the math for the reader.

Just wanted to clarify that point. And no, the Workers' World Party has by no means been consistently opposed to the imperialist campaign against Libya by the way. They have continually extended support to the various peace offerings...or, in other words, terms of partial surrender...that have been proposed for the government of Libya. Make no mistake: you cannot honestly claim to oppose this U.S.-led campaign of reconquest if you support the American/Western stooge regime in Benghazi that fully supports it and literally depends on it. (They depend on support from foreigners because they cannot find adequate support for their rebellion at home; because they are unpopular.) And you cannot honestly claim to oppose this imperialist reconquest of Libya if you refuse to support the actually existing resistance to it. Supporting the broad united front against imperialism in this context means advocating the complete defeat of the reactionary stooge regime in Benghazi and opposing acquiescence to any surrender terms, either complete or partial, on the part of the legitimate government of Libya: that of Muammar Gaddafi, who has recently claimed that he will no longer allow Western investment in Libya as a result of this direct attack on his country's sovereignty. The battle lines in Libya are clearly drawn. No one should still be under illusions about the desirability of the reactionary, pro-imperialist Libyan rebellion or about the desirability of peace with that clearly pro-imperialist side. As authentic communists, it is our duty to unequivocally support complete victory for the Libyan people and nothing less, not the policies of the U.S.-dominated UN or the comprador alliances around the world that support Western business interests, like the Arab League and the African Union.

And yes, complete victory for the Libyan people is possible, contrary to the claims of Workers' World, which measures military possibilities one-sidedly in terms of tanks and planes, not in terms of people power, of the spiritual atom bomb which the masses possess. The people of China historically rose up against and defeated a far "militarily superior" enemy in their popular war that established a socialist state. They did so by relying on the spirit of the people; on their hatred for being oppressed. Such is the key to victory here as well. However, this spirit can only be fully and consistently unleashed and directed along a socialist and communist path if it gains communist, that is Maoist-Third Worldist, leadership.

Tuesday, March 29, 2011

A Great Basic Introduction to the Chinese Cultural Revolution!

There is just too much good stuff here to not link all my readers to it. What you'll find at the link is a superb article outlining the very most basic and crucial features of the Chinese Cultural Revolution. It well worth reading, for those who are new to the communist science.

Friday, March 25, 2011

The Chance and Need to Boycott the Election Process

Note to Readers: The bulk of what follows is not my writing, but rather is that of my friend Dustin Slagle, who runs a blog called The Hong Se Sun. I have made substantial edits, removing contents I disagree with and adding some general thoughts in place of them, to more closely reflect my own perspective. This is part of a collaborative project we are doing. The original piece can be found here. Okay, here goes:

This blog post and general idea [in Dustin's case -- MQ] was pulled/inspired from a blog posted by a supporter of the RCP-PCR here.

If someone really wants to know why there is no (progressive) revolutionary consciousness in the US to speak of, one factor they might consider, in addition to decisive objective factors like the virtual non-existence of an American proletariat, is the political nature of the majority of the "socialist" groups in the US. How are even the few more progressive-minded Americans suppose to develop a revolutionary mindset when all these groups who claim to be revolutionary support nothing but reformist tactics and attack any groups directly calling for revolution as ultra-leftist? How is directly advocating revolution ultra-leftist? How is calling for revolution while denouncing revolution and participating in imperialist elections anything but reformist and social-democrat-esque?

Nearly all "left wing" groups in the America are fakes and paper tigers. They use the call "revolution" for opportunist reasons only. In reality they support this capitalist-imperialist system by organizing people around the demands of exploiters and on the terms of the imperialist enemy. One of the ways these groups help this system is by legitimizing it in people's minds; by trying to reform it from within rather than destroy it from without. I would argue that even just by participating in bourgeois elections, they accomplish this feat. Their participation legitimizes the bourgeois electoral process in people's minds. This obviously sends the wrong message to an important group coming into progressive circles, and that is the young people. The number of young people who say things like "we are real revolutionary socialists" followed directly by "wanna buy our paper or a book or some stickers or pins, how about a donation, vote for this person" makes me so sick to my stomach. That's especially true when you see these hypocrites wearing Mao shirts and hear them quoting the likes of Marx, Lenin, and Mao, yet then tell you how narrow and dogmatic you are for directly advocating proletarian revolution. Here's a good and relevant quote by Marx such people seem to have missed: "The communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution." (That's from The Communist Manifesto.)

I think it obvious that communists should not be participating in elections in which the only possible outcome is more of the same: more imperialism, more plundering, more exploitation, more oppression, more misery for the world's vast majority. We need to be providing an alternative ideology to this fake democracy that is bourgeois democracy: democracy for the world's oppressing and exploiting minority, not for its oppressed and exploited majority. There is no good reason to give the illusion that these elections give those who would work on behalf of the international proletariat any real chance at creating positive change. Boycotting an election may not be in itself revolutionary, but it is, I believe, a correct tactic for any group claiming the world needs a new and much better system.

Just think for a moment about the whole history of all those communist parties and groups that went astray and strove to lead a proletarian transformation of society through electoral avenues. It is nothing but the history of failure, revisionism, betrayal, right wing coups, and horrific bloodbaths. Indonesia. Chile. Columbia. Nicaragua. Nepal. I don't even have to explain. You know to what I refer when I bring up those countries in connection to "communist" reliance on electoral avenues. And these are but a few of the examples that could be cited in this connection. Joining capitalist elections leads to nothing but betrayal at best (either on our own part or on the part of our enemy) and unfathomable disaster at worst. Never has this strategy succeeded. Never has it even gotten anywhere as a tactic that I can think of. The more you try to change the system from within, the more instead it changes you. Or finds an opening to destroy you.

Written by: Dustin Slagle
Edited by: Monkey Queen

(1) http://www.infoplease.com/ipa/A0781453.html (their source is the turnout for elections sided with population of people 18 and older)

Thursday, March 24, 2011

Knowing Your Left From Your Right

Most American "leftists" don't know their left from their right when it comes to political orientations and objectives. Let's get clearer on this matter. There seem to be three basic ideas in circulation as to what "left wing" means in America, only one of which is correct. Let's briefly dissect these three views.

1. The "Old Left" Perspective: Economist Right-Left Polarity. This perspective sees the political left and right as divided fundamentally by their respective approaches to building the U.S. economy. In this view, the basic division between left and right is that between the approaches of economic interventionism (left wing) and laissez-faire capitalism (right wing) toward affecting this commonly-desired outcome of economic growth. "Radical leftists" who hold this view tend to see the Democratic Party as "more progressive than the Republican Party, but just not progressive enough" because the Democratic Party supports policies of state intervention in the economy that seek to proactively defend or to underwrite improvements in the living standards of Americans generally. This outlook has been associated with the "Old Left" in America and the First World generally because it was the most common view of what the left-right polarity was up to the 1960s.

2. The "New Left" Perspective: Social Issues Right-Left Polarity. This perspective sees left and right as divided fundamentally according to degrees of civil libertarianism and civil authoritarianism. In this view, the basic division between left and right is that between support for the maximum range of democratic rights and life-style options (left wing) and support for the minimum range of democratic rights and life-style options (right wing). "Radical leftists"/radical libertarians who hold this view tend to see the Democratic Party as "more progressive than the Republican Party, but just not progressive enough" because the Democratic Party supports policies of liberalizing access to political power and of increasing the range of life-style options open to Americans. This outlook has been associated with the "New Left" because it became the most common view of what left-right polarity was during the 1960s and '70s in the U.S. and throughout the First World generally. Some groups, like America's Libertarian Party for example, have argued that social liberalism is not necessarily left wing because it can theoretically be combined with the laissez-faire economics...although this is almost never done in practice.

Note: These two views of left-right polarity were largely merged in America when Jesse Jackson formed the Rainbow Coalition to promote his election campaign in 1984, thus marrying the "Old Left" and the "New Left" both to each other and to the Democratic Party. The resultant combination remains what our media today typically refers to once again as simply "the left". In each of the above definitions, American politics tend toward the center of whatever range of debate is socially acceptable overall at any given moment, but the said center of gravity tends to gradually move leftward in concert with the ever-expanding wealth of the nation, thus endowing the typical American with a certain sense that their country, while perhaps flawed, is surely among the most progressive on Earth and in world history. The common factor here is an evaluation of "left" and "right" based strictly on the idea of advancing the socio-economic welfare of Americans (or First Worlders broadly, at most), with "leftists" favoring said advancements to be more generalized within this territorial grouping and "rightists" favoring said advancements to be distributed more disproportionately to certain favored demographic groups (i.e. trickle-down economics). There is no room here for a seriously internationalist perspective.

3. The Third Worldist Perspective: Imperialist/Anti-Imperialist Right-Left Polarity. Maoist-Third Worldists, by contrast, recognize that the principal contradiction, the contradiction between the exploiter countries and the exploited countries, the First World and the Third World, is of central importance to understanding the actual polarity of politics in the world. In this view, left wing means opposing imperialism, while right wing means supporting imperialism. To be an authentic and consistent leftist means to pursue the destruction of the imperialist American economy, as well as of all the exploitation-based First World economies, and the complete elimination of the political power of the exploiter First World populations as a whole. Although the principal contradiction is not the only contradiction, and while Maoist-Third Worldists do support the collectivization of life in general, as well as maximizing of democratic rights for the presently oppressed and exploited masses in the Third World, the principal contradiction is the single most essential measure of "progressive" and "reactionary" degrees. "Progressive" and "reactionary" can and should be understood as largely being relative to the principal contradiction. In other words, one is essentially a progressive to the degree that they oppose imperialism and a reactionary to the degree that they support imperialism. By this standard of measure, both the major parties in the U.S. are clearly far to the right. By this standard of measure, it becomes easy to see that neither is qualitatively more progressive or "less evil" than the other.

The consistent historical meaning of "left" and "right" is that "left wing" refers to those who support a new and historically more advanced mode of production, whereas "right wing" refers to those who uphold the old order, whatever it may be in the given situation (feudalism, capitalism, or whatever). We've all heard about the parliamentary seating arrangements during the French Revolution and how that was the origin of the terms "left wing" and "right wing" in association with a political meaning. In that time, it was progressive to support the advent of capitalist democracy and its replacement of the old feudal system and reactionary to, by contrast, defend the old feudal system. In the modern context, the era of imperialism, it is progressive to oppose capitalism (especially in favor of socialism and communism), and in particular its main expression, imperialism, and it is reactionary to instead support capitalism and especially its main expression, imperialism. Those who resist the imperialist system are progressives to the degree that they do so. Those who support it are reactionaries to the degree that they do so.

So what about the various "communist organizations" in America? Where do they lie in this spectrum? It depends on which ones we're talking about. The Leading Light Communist Organization is the only legitimately communist organization in this country and indeed in the world today. All others are fakes. In America, in fact, most of these others are downright reactionary, albeit perhaps to marginally varying degrees. Just about the entire non-MTWist "communist" movement in America is First Worldist and in the Democratic Party camp on one level or another. "In the Democratic Party camp?", you ask? Yes. "In the case of the Communist Party USA, as much is transparent, but what about these other cases where the revisionist parties/organizations don't declare their support for the Democrats up front?", you further inquire? Well I think this is best demonstrated through an example:

I have in the past attended two rallies called by the ANSWER Coalition: one in 2007 and another in 2010. Both of these claimed to be against imperialist war and aggression generally. The one in 2007 had an attendance of about 50,000, while the one in 2010 had an attendance of somewhere in the range of 5,000 to 10,000. So what explains the drop-off? What was the basic difference between the situation in the U.S. in 2007 versus 2010? It wasn't the number of U.S. troops stationed abroad, that's for sure! That figure actually increased between 2007 and 2010, as did the number of U.S. military bases set up around the globe. The difference was which one of the main U.S. parties held the presidency. If your organization loses four-fifths of its active participation as a result of a Democrat winning the presidency, then who is it that really controls this said organization? Formally, the PSL controls ANSWER. They control ANSWER in much the same way though that Hamid Karzai controls Afghanistan. In the latter case, the important thing is who controls Hamid Karzai. Likewise, in the former case, the important thing is who controls the PSL. My experience made the answer to this question obvious to me. For example: in the 2007 rally, the speakers were capable of calling out the president by name. In 2010, this had become an unspoken taboo. This was just one of many interesting inconsistencies I observed between these two events. The nature of the 2010 rally overall was such that Cindy Sheehan, in delivering her speech, felt compelled to inquire of the crowd: “Why are we giving him [Obama] a free pass? We can’t make any more excuses. The Democrats and Republicans are the war party.” I remember that quote quite well, and it was repeated in some of the news coverage of the event in various pseudo-socialist quarters. This was the most poignant and correct assessment that any speaker there made. You'll notice her standard of measure substantially invokes the principal contradiction.

This is just one example of how bogus the general "Marxist" movement in America is. All those pseudo-Marxist elements that fail to recognize the principal contradiction are objectively headed in the same direction: full rapprochement with the Democrats...assuming they have not already arrived at that destination (as the Communist Party has). That is their only alternative. Otherwise, they will die out with their aging constituents. The International Communist Current, one of the most rigidly dogmatic and "classical Marxist" organizations that exists in America, provides us with an example of what I mean. Their American branch has roughly five members, according to one of these members. Yet they speak of how the American system of capitalism is "decomposing". With five or so members, they are practically declaring victory over American capitalism, in other words! How delusional, how far divorced from reality, can you possibly get? It is painfully, painfully obvious which element in question is decomposing.

The Leading Light communist movement is the one with the youth, with the ideas, and with the scientific perspective. It is the future of authentic communism. It is the only legitimate communist movement in today's world.